April 18, I.
This was scanned from the edition and mechanically checked against a commercial copy of the text from CDROM.
Differences were corrected against the paper edition. The text itself is thus a highly accurate rendition. The footnotes were entered manually. A question seldom stated, and hardly ever discussed, in general terms, but which profoundly influences the practical controversies of the age by its latent presence, and is likely soon to make itself recognized as the vital question of the future.
It is so far from being new, that, in a certain sense, it has divided mankind, almost from the remotest ages, but in the stage of progress into which the more civilized portions of the species have now entered, it presents itself under new conditions, and requires a different and more fundamental treatment.
The struggle between Liberty and Authority is the most conspicuous feature in the portions of history with which we are earliest familiar, particularly in that of Greece, Rome, and England.
But in old times this contest was between subjects, or some classes of subjects, and the government. By liberty, was meant protection against the tyranny of the political rulers. The rulers were conceived except in some of the popular governments of Greece as in a necessarily antagonistic position to the people whom they ruled.
They consisted of a governing One, or a governing tribe or caste, who derived their authority from inheritance or conquest; who, at all events, did not hold it at the pleasure of the governed, and whose supremacy men did not venture, perhaps did not desire, to contest, whatever precautions might be taken against its oppressive exercise.
Their power was regarded as necessary, but also as highly dangerous; as a weapon which they would attempt to use against their subjects, no less than against external enemies. To prevent the weaker members of the community from being preyed upon by innumerable vultures, it was needful that there should be an animal of prey stronger than the rest, commissioned to keep them down.
But as the king of the vultures would be no less bent upon preying upon the flock than any of the minor harpies, it was indispensable to be in a perpetual attitude of defence against his beak and claws.
The aim, therefore, of patriots, was to set limits to the power which the ruler should be suffered to exercise over the community; and this limitation was what they meant by liberty. It was attempted in two ways. First, by obtaining a recognition of certain immunities, called political liberties or rights, which it was to be regarded as a breach of duty in the ruler to infringe, and which, if he did infringe, specific resistance, or general rebellion, was held to be justifiable.
in John Locke: An Essay Concerning Human Understanding. Locke remained in Holland for more than five years (–89). While there he made new and important friends and associated with other exiles from England. He also wrote his first Letter on Toleration, published anonymously in Latin in , and completed An Essay Concerning Human Understanding. The rise and fall of British Empiricism is philosophy's most dramatic example of pushing premises to their logical--and fatal--conclusions. Born in with the appearance of Locke's Essay, Empiricism flourished as the reigning school until when Hume's Treatise strangled it with its own cinctures after a period of Berkeley's optimistic idealism. An Essay Concerning Human Understanding Book I: Innate Notions John Locke This was what ﬁrst started me on this Essay Concerning the Understanding. I thought that the ﬁrst step towards an- Essay I John Locke ii: No innate.
A second, and generally a later expedient, was the establishment of constitutional checks; by which the consent of the community, or of a body of some sort supposed to represent its interests, was made a necessary condition to some of the more important acts of the governing power.
To the first of these modes of limitation, the ruling power, in most European countries, was compelled, more or less, to submit.
It was not so with the second; and to attain this, or when already in some degree possessed, to attain it more completely, became everywhere the principal object of the lovers of liberty. And so long as mankind were content to combat one enemy by another, and to be ruled by a master, on condition of being guaranteed more or less efficaciously against his tyranny, they did not carry their aspirations beyond this point.
A time, however, came in the progress of human affairs, when men ceased to think it a necessity of nature that their governors should be an independent power, opposed in interest to themselves. It appeared to them much better that the various magistrates of the State should be their tenants or delegates, revocable at their pleasure.
In that way alone, it seemed, could they have complete security that the powers of government would never be abused to their disadvantage.
By degrees, this new demand for elective and temporary rulers became the prominent object of the exertions of the popular party, wherever any such party existed; and superseded, to a considerable extent, the previous efforts to limit the power of rulers.
As the struggle proceeded for making the ruling power emanate from the periodical choice of the ruled, some persons began to think that too much importance had been attached to the limitation of the power itself.
That it might seem was a resource against rulers whose interests were habitually opposed to those of the people. What was now wanted was, that the rulers should be identified with the people; that their interest and will should be the interest and will of the nation.
The nation did not need to be protected against its own will. There was no fear of its tyrannizing over itself. Let the rulers be effectually responsible to it, promptly removable by it, and it could afford to trust them with power of which it could itself dictate the use to be made.
Their power was but the nation's own power, concentrated, and in a form convenient for exercise. This mode of thought, or rather perhaps of feeling, was common among the last generation of European liberalism, in the Continental section of which, it still apparently predominates.People and ideas systems As outlined by Andrew Roberts of Middlesex University, London.
Introductory sketches of the ideas of theorists, linked to Andrew Roberts' book Social Science History and the Society and Science History schwenkreis.comped from a course document "Outline of the theorists we could cover" (February ), the web page was created offline before In this lesson, we discuss the two premier English political theorists of the 17th century: Thomas Hobbes and John Locke.
We'll also take a look at their impact on Western philosophy in. English Deism Table of Contents. Lord Herbert of Cherbury; Hobbes and Others; Charles Blount; John Locke; Toland, Collins, and Others; Matthew Tindal; Morgan, Annet.
John Locke FRS (/ l ɒ k /; 29 August – 28 October ) was an English philosopher and physician, widely regarded as one of the most influential of Enlightenment thinkers and commonly known as the "Father of Liberalism". Considered one of the first of the British empiricists, following the tradition of Sir Francis Bacon, he is equally important to social contract theory.
MODERN WESTERN PHILOSOPHY. Remarks concerning twelve modern philosophers, from Francis Bacon to Bertrand Russell, and presenting a citizen standpoint involving a concluding discussion of science, one relating to the "against method" controversy associated with Paul Feyerabend.
Other articles where An Essay Concerning Human Understanding is discussed: John Locke: Association with Shaftesbury: his most important philosophical work, An Essay Concerning Human Understanding (), began at a meeting with friends in his rooms, probably in February